Context of Advanced Practice Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Context of Advanced Practice - Essay Example h Authority), Greater Manchester, and Cumbria and Lancashire to focus on the learning curve at a professional level while achieving academic skills (Advanced Practice Framework, 2005). This is a part of the NHS plan to create a patient led NHS aiming toward client focus and their choice of primary care (Cross et al. 2004). North West NHS has developed a workforce strategy to ensure a sufficient workforce capacity in all health organizations by shifting the current roles of the workforce (Advanced Nursing Practice, 2009). The role of the advanced practice nurses especially is undergoing a lot of changes due to the increased rules and regulations of NHS and NMC (Geest et al. 2008). A measure for efficiency has been developed called productive time which measures the time spent by professionals and nurses on core activities of advanced practices (Cross et al. 2004). By implementing such strategy the Department of Health and the NHS is expected to achieve  £6.5bn by 2008 out of which à ‚ £3.8bn is due to productive time (Burgess, 2007). Still enormous progress needs to be made that can make the service more improved (The future: A mini Prospectus, 2002). The HPC is also stepping in to regulate the practice and training of the professionals and to protect the people (HPC, 2007; Guthrie, 2009). On the national level, the European Working Time Directive (EWTD) driver has been seen to create different reactions from medical professionals (Little & Bluck, 2006). The main problem that arises is due to the work hour limit defined by the EWTD (Bates & Slade, 2007). The shift in the time limit from the previous 58 hour per week to 48 hour per week is been felt severely by the education and training medical institutions as well as in the delivery of service (Little & Bluck, 2006). The most effect is on the training of new juniors. According to Bates and Slade (2007), the time constraint has had many implications on the operative experience of the surgical trainees making the level

Initial public offering (federal express) session long project module Essay

Initial public offering (federal express) session long project module 1 - Essay Example The main reason for choosing this company is to due to the size and extent of the company. The company operates worldwide which provides a vaster and larger possibility to learn about the company and the various developments that it entails. The other reasons why this company has been chosen include the fact that the company holds a major share in the market, and the company has developed its business to such a great extent that it is recognized worldwide. FedEx not only provides express delivery business but also provides small package ground delivery as well. The company also provides a wide range of document related as well other business services. One other reason to choose this company is the type of IPO that they used. The company went in for an IPO to become public and to be listed in the New York Stock Exchange. This makes it a better company to study and allows a more focused view on how the company expands and improves the overall business. An initial public offering plays a major role in every business. In the case of FedEx, the company had its IPO on 12th April 1978 and the share price was $24 per share. The company has been trading on the NYSE since 28th December 1978 and uses the symbol of FDX. The company went in for a public offering in 1978 to raise enough capital and to also be listed in the New York Stock Exchange. The company used the IPO to set up the stock price. In 1978 when the company decided to go public, they used the IPO to distribute the shares of the company to public. Here once FedEx registered with the SEC, the company worked with investment banks to sign the contract and to be able to sell the shares of the company (Stock Market Investors, 2010). The contractors would need to provide an agreement which shows that they agree to underwrite the distribution of the shares (Chechile, 2004). Once the two parties had

Word Mapping and Language Development Essay Example for Free

Word Mapping and Language Development Essay This paper aims to discuss word mapping processes during the child development, explore the concepts of Fast and Slow mapping, discuss the application and acquisition of word associations and definitions in the context of word mapping, and conclude by demonstrating that the process of elaboration through which childrens meanings of words grow to include categorical semantic relations between words requires slow mapping. ? Fast Mapping For a child being inundated with new vocabulary from moment to moment, clues to any one particular words meaning may be few and far between, yet somehow a child manages to take these limited exposures to new words, derive meaning from them, and maintain representations of them for future use. Carey and Bartlett (1978) have termed this speedy process of inferring relatively correct and complete initial meanings of novel words given a limited number of exposures to the words fast mapping (Behrend, Scofield, Kleinknecht, 2001). It is widely assumed that children must possess an innate mechanism of specialized constraints specific to word learning to account for their precocious abilities to infer novel word meanings (Deak Wagner, 2003, p. 318), and fast mapping is the label applied to this system (Behrend et al. , 2001). Fast mapping was first demonstrated in an experiment done by Carey and Bartlett (1978), in which 14 children, ages three to four years old, were initially presented with a novel color word in a neutral context without first being explicitly taught its meaning, and later tested on their knowledge of the new term. All of the children had begun mapping color words to corresponding colors, and 13 of the 14 children were able to comprehend and generate six to eleven names for corresponding colors. The children were therefore familiar with the property and concept of color, which allowed the researchers to see how learning a new color would restructure the childs existing lexical and conceptual color domains (Carey, 1978, p. 271). Prior to the introduction of the children to the novel color word, each child received a production test in which he was asked to name the color of each of a number of different colored chips including an olive colored one. Most children called the olive color green, while others called it brown, but none of the children referred to the olive chip as olive. Carey and Bartlett (1978) chose to introduce the children to the novel color olive (a color the children were unfamiliar with), but instead of referring to it as olive (a word that some children might be familiar with) they chose to call the olive color chromium. The researchers painted one cup and one tray in the childrens nursery school classroom olive, while an identical cup remained red, and an identical tray remained blue. The researchers asked the childrens teacher to introduce the new color word individually to each child in a normal everyday context, such as preparing for snack time. The teacher avoided explicitly presenting the new color word either by asking the child to Bring me the chromium tray, not the blue one, the chromium one, or to Bring me the chromium cup, not the red one, the chromium one (Carey, 1978, p. 271). The phrase not the blue/red one provided enough information for the child to bring the correct tray or cup. As a result, the child was implicitly provided with lexical, syntactic, and contextual cues adequate to the full mapping (Carey, 1978, p. 272) of chromium, while not being forced to rely on the new color word to provide any additional information necessary for the completion of the task. All except one of the children chose the correct tray/cup upon first exposure to the new word. And even though they did not need to rely on the new word to make the correct choice, the majority of the children attended to the fact that they had just heard a new word, and either repeated it aloud or sought approval for the selection they had just made. One week later the children took part in a second teaching task in which a group of six different colors (including olive) was presented to each child, and the children were each asked to map these different colors to their specific corresponding color words (including chromium). This task had been designed to serve as a comprehension task in determining whether or not the children had learned to correctly map the color name chromium to the olive color. However, since olive was the only color for which the children had not previously demonstrated having a name, and since a control group (with no previous exposure to the olive/chromium mapping) performed the task at the same level as the experimental group, the researchers determined that the task was not truly a comprehension task, but rather another teaching task. The children therefore experienced two teaching tasks prior to being tested. Five weeks after the second teaching task, the children were given a second production test just like the one they received prior to the introducing event. However, unlike the first production test, in which the majority of the children called the olive colored chip either green or brown, eight of the fourteen children now either said that they did not know what color name to use to refer to the chip or began referring to the olive chip using one of the color names that they knew but had not mapped stably to any one particular color. Fast mapping is evident in that after only two brief exposures to the chromium color word/olive color pairing, the child had learned and retained for over a month that olive is not called green; in searching his lexicon for a name to call it, he found another color word with no stable referent which was more highly accessible than the new word chromium. Thus for these eight children at least, the process of restructuring the conceptual and lexical domains had already begun (Carey, 1978, p. 273). The children had demonstrated their ability to infer meaning (as to which color the word chromium referred to) by relying solely on the situation and the context in which they encountered the word. In the previous example the children’s retention would be limited- although not inhibited entirely- if exposed to a great variety of colors that had never been introduced to them before. This assertion illustrates the importance of scope to proper establishment of the context. Studies have found that as the factors increase in number or property, subjects of all ages are more likely to disorient and produce ambiguous definitions (Patson, 2010). Precise, mutually exclusive terms are the most conducive to a clear and complete understanding of a word. A study examined the potentiality of mutual exclusivity by first asking if the part pointed to was the trachea and then further challenging the student by requiring them to specify whether the whole area or one specific part was the trachea. When the subject area is previously known it is normal for children to favor an inclusive definition, i. e. accepting craniofacial instead of accepting cranial and facial as two, separate, specific, mutually-exclusive terminologies (Hansen, 2009). The correction of such errors is atypical to fast mapping, where the concept is simply understood. Fast mapping provides a seemingly quick and efficient way for children to initially acquire correct partial meanings that are specific to the contexts in which new words are heard. However, acquiring a complete definition for any one word generally requires the integration of a number of partial mappings derived from specific encounters with the word in everyday life. Fast mapping is merely the beginning of a longer more gradual elaboration and reorganization process called slow mapping that results in a more complete definition (Carey, 1978; Johnson Anglin, 1995; McGregor, Friedman, Reilly, Newman, 2002). Slow Mapping Slow mapping is a prolonged period during which the child must hold a fragile new representation in lexical memory, distinguish it from many other fragile representations, continue to hypothesize about the meaning of the word, and update the representation as a result of those hypotheses (McGregor et al, 2002, p. 332). The partial meanings of words acquired during fast mapping are retained in memory while meanings derived from new encounters with words provide additional information and allow connections both between and within new and existing knowledge to be created, eliminated, and reworked. Slow mapping is the term applied to this process in which information provided through both old and new encounters with words is slowly integrated and evolves into increasingly accurate and complete definitions. Whereas fast mapping has been experimentally captured (e. g. Carey Bartlett, 1978), and shown to be replicable (Deak Wagner, 2003, p. 318), the protracted timeline and more elusive nature of slow mapping have made it difficult to pinpoint, study, and understand the process. It appears that much speculation surrounds the true nature of slow mapping. Johnson and Anglin (1995) comment this elaboration process is not yet well understood, but it appears that children somehow develop additional meaning relations among the new word and others within the same semantic field and increasingly incorporate contextual restrictions, distributional properties, and syntactic privileges of occurrence (p. 614). Carey (1978) admits, I have gone much further than available data license (p. 292) in summarizing her hypothesis on the nature of slow mapping following a description of her fast mapping study. Deak and Wagner (2003) attempted to access the process of slow mapping in the learning of categorical semantic relations between words by introducing children aged four to seven years old to made-up words with invented meanings and semantic relationships to one another (introduced as an alien language) and later testing their comprehension and production of these new words. Children were taught basic categorical semantic relations of exclusion (no overlap between word referents), inclusion (referents of one label are a subset of the referents of another label), and overlap (the sets of referents of two labels intersect) during two separate play sessions in which each of four labels for newly contrived categories were presented (along with defining information) a minimum of twenty times. The semantic relations were either explicitly expressed or implicitly derived by the children during the play sessions. The older children of the group (six- and seven-year-olds) were able to learn more semantic relations and word definitions than the younger children (four- and five-year-olds), and exclusion was the categorical semantic relation most readily learned in both age groups. The principle finding of the study was that although all of the children were able to learn new categorical semantic relations between words equally well whether the relations were explicitly stated or implicitly derived, the children were not able to fast map these categorical semantic relations as they were able to do with basic word meanings. Whereas children were able to infer relatively correct meanings of the novel words almost immediately, for example, they could correctly point out exemplars, they were unable to fast map categorical semantic relations even when these relations were explicitly stated. Deak and Wagner (2003) conclude, when word learning is measured at a surface level, children show a grasp of new words, but this grasp is weak. It is unlikely to include knowledge of meaning relations, or incorporation into a differentiated semantic network, even after many unambiguous exposures to the new words (p. 323). Thus, it appears that fast mapping describes childrens ability to quickly associate words to referents, but does not capture the process of elaboration through which childrens meanings of words grow to include categorical semantic relations between words. Slow mapping is the route through which the incomplete initial word meanings obtained through fast mapping expand to include more information about the meanings of words including semantic relations between words. Penno, Wilkinson, and Moore (2002) have also attempted to access the process of slow mapping, albeit using a different procedure, by presenting children aged five to eight years old with new words through the context of storybook reading. Children were read a storybook once a week for three consecutive weeks in small groups, and were given a multiple-choice vocabulary test both prior to the first reading and after the last reading. The multiple-choice vocabulary test included 15 words present in the storybook that were assumed to be unknown to the children. In addition, following each reading of the storybook, the children were asked to complete a retelling task in which they retold the story they had just heard to the best of their ability to the researcher. After the entire process had been completed for the first storybook, children were read a second storybook following the same procedure. The children received an explanation for each of the fifteen new words (every time one of the words was encountered) during every reading of one of the two storybooks. For the remaining storybook, no explanation was supplied for unknown words. The main objective of this study was to examine the effects of repeated exposure to a story and the additive effects of explanation of the meaning of target words on students vocabulary (Penno et al. , 2002, p. 23). Both repeated exposure and explanation of meaning were indeed significant contributors to vocabulary growth. The process of slow mapping was displayed through the linear improvement in the accuracy of use of the target words across the three retellings of the stories (Penno et al. , 2002, p. 31). After being read a storybook for the first time, the children were able to retell the story in a manner that demonstrated their fast mapping ability in that they were able to provide some indication of a basic understanding of the new words meanings. However, the second and third readings and retellings of a storybook revealed the slow mapping process, as the children used the new words with ever increasing accuracy through each subsequent storybook retelling. Accuracy and depth of word knowledge was measured incrementally through a coding system containing six categories ranging from category zero (indicating no knowledge or use of the target word) to category five (indicating generalized knowledge of the target word) (Penno et al. , 2002, p. 26). For example, the coding system might determine a childs accuracy and depth of word knowledge as progressing from category two (Developing knowledge: the target word is used, but inappropriately) at the first storybook retelling, to category three (Synonym: a synonymous phrase or word is used for the target word) at the second storybook, up to category four (Accurate knowledge: the target word is used accurately and more frequently than a synonym) by the third storybook retelling (Penno et al. , 2002, p. 26). Children also benefited from receiving explanations for unknown words, displaying greater gains in vocabulary when provided with explanations than when not, suggesting that the explanation may have provided useful experience with the meaning of the unknown words. One of the challenges of word mapping research area is finding word knowledge assessment methods that go beyond measures of childrens ability to identify the correct referent of a word or to use a word in an appropriate context. In 2009 the effect of the cultural, linguistic differences between mainstream English and African American English was measured. An equal number of African American English speakers and mainstream (mostly Caucasian, Hispanic, and African American) respondents were given a series of syntactical questions. This result was that native speakers of English who were African American were predisposed to have more difficulty with the grammatical structure of formal English (Johnson, 2009). In addition to the methods described in the previous three studies, childrens word definitions may serve as a source of information on the process of mapping (Hughes, Woodcock, Funnell, 2005; Johnson Anglin, 1995; McGregor et al, 2002). Childrens word definitions have also been found to change with age. These changes may reflect, in part, increased understanding of the words meanings. Another source of information on word mapping may be childrens word associations. Word Definitions Word learning, commencing at around age of one year, progresses at the rate of approximately ten new words every day (Bloom, 2000), or about one per every waking hour (Carey, 1978). Werner and Kaplan (1950) describe the acquisition of the meanings of words as occurring in two ways. One way a child learns a word is by explicit reference either verbal or objective (p. 3), in which a word is verbally defined or an object is directly named for the child. The second way a child learns a word is through implicit or contextual reference (p. 3), in which a word is inferred from the context of a conversation. Up until around two years of age, a child may learn a great many words through explicit reference, as adults will often repeat common phrases and names of objects and provide definitions for unknown words in an effort to teach a child new vocabulary (Carey, 1978; Werner Kaplan, 1950). However, as children grow older, they receive this vocabulary coaching less and less and they must rely primarily on implicit or contextual reference to acquire the majority of vocabulary. Children learn the majority of their words from hearing how others use them in day-to-day life. In doing so, they must rely solely on the linguistic context in which the word occurs and the situation in which it is used (Carey, 1978, p. 265) to derive meaning for new words. Researchers recognize the ability to produce quality word definitions as a metalinguistic skill (Watson, 1985), as individuals must not only consider their knowledge of the to-be-defined word and determine what characteristics should be included in the definition but they should also know how to organize information into conventional definitional form (Skwarchuk Anglin, 1997, p. 298). An individuals mastery of the form and content of word definitions is imperative in producing quality definitions (Watson, 1985), and there are a number of well-established trends concerning the development of both. The definitions provided by young (roughly preschool) children tend to be comprised primarily of functional information, e. g. a knife is to cut with (Litowitz, 1977), but they also include (to a lesser degree) perceptual features, e. g. a kitten is furry (Hughes et al. , 2005). Young childrens definitions also tend to include information that is personally relevant, such as I have a friendly rabbit named Hoppy (Watson, 1985) and are often concrete, simple, and context bound (Skwarchuk Anglin, 1997). As a child grows older, a transition occurs in the content included in a definition, suggesting a conceptual shift from the individually experienced to the socially shared (Litowitz, 1977, p. 289), and definitions become more abstract, complex, and precise in nature (Skwarchuk Anglin, 1997). However, the accurate acquisition of a definition is dependent on the individual skills of the child and of the clarity of the context in which the new conceptual definition is presented (Nicoladis, 2010). Namely, the listener must recognize the probable intention of the statement through the interpretation of nonverbal cues. This is done through the rapid analysis of the word usage, the verbal tone, the context, and the previous experiences of the listener (de Ruiter, 2010). A child’s inferential attributions to a word are also built upon their personal skills. In the Sally Ann task, the children are asked to conceptualize the thoughts of others and are measured by their success at that task, their ability to concede that the other’s thoughts are not necessarily correct, and to form a hypothetical, mental frame of context through which to examine the probable thoughts and actions which inform that person’s decisions (Jary, 2010). The ability to successful integrate the representational theory of mind tested by the Sally Ann task has been proven to aid in the conceptualization of both grammatical structure and definition (Jary, 2010). Both form and content develop and change over time, but these changes do not necessarily occur simultaneously, and children are generally able to express semantic content more successfully than they are able to use correct Aristotelian definitional form (Johnson Anglin, 1995). Since form and content of childrens definitions change as their knowledge of and experience with words increases it seems logical that studying the elaboration and refinement of word definitions in children over time would allow us to better understand the process of slow mapping (McGregor, 2002). The interpretations of the ambiguities of language, such as the use of the finite â€Å"that† for an infinite pool of possible contexts, are key contributors to the accuracy of slow mapping in the inferred or abstract definition of words (Jary, 2010). In a study designed to capture the slow mapping process of word meaning development, McGregor et al. (2002) offer some evidence that childrens definitions may indeed provide an accurate representation of the semantic knowledge possessed by a child. McGregor et al. have shown that a childs abilities to provide a name for and draw a picture of each of a series of objects correspond reliably with one another and are also consistent with a childs ability to provide definitions for those objects. The study suggests that the three tasks (naming, drawing, and defining) access a common semantic representation and therefore validates the use of the defining task in providing a window into the slow mapping of word meaning. Word Associations Childrens word associations also change as word knowledge changes over time. Consequently, studying childrens word associations may provide an additional opportunity to capture the slow mapping process of word meaning development. Petrey (1977) draws attention to the development of word associations as shifting from episodic (or schematic) to semantic (or taxonomic) as childrens word knowledge grows. She comments, Whereas adults responses are grouped primarily by semantic memory of words internal content, childrens responses display mainly episodic memories of external context (p. 69). For example, if the stimulus word were rabbit, a child is likely to provide an episodic response like carrot, and an adult is more likely to provide a semantic response like squirrel. Petreys research suggested that the shift from episodic to semantic association responses occurs by around third grade. Researchers have also attempted to explain changing word associations as reflecting a syntagmatic-paradigmatic shift. Syntagmatic refers to words being syntactically related, that is, likely to occur together in the same sentence, like a verb response to a noun, whereas paradigmatic refers to words being in the same syntactic class, like a noun response to a noun (Nelson, 1977). This description has proven to be less well supported than the episodic-semantic (or schematic-taxonomic) shift. Another explanation refers to the cultural influences of the child’s caretaker(s). Because as the child ages there is less need and ability to define the abstract concepts, there is an increased reliance on word attribution (de Ruiter, 2010). Bilingual children favor the grammatical structure and the customary usage of their stronger language (Nicoladis, 2010). In Blewitt and Toppinos study, superordinate responses in the word association task became increasingly frequent with age (as is the case in word definition tasks), suggesting that the word association task may indeed be a useful tool to implement in future work aimed at capturing the slow-mapping process. The increasing use of superordinate terms provided both in the word definition task and the word association task suggest that the two tasks may be measuring the common underlying process of elaboration and completion of word meaning over time that is slow mapping. Summary Conventional estimates suggest that by age 17 the vocabulary of an average English-speaking individual comprises more than 60,000 words (Bloom, 2000). In order for this monumental task to be achieved, word learning, commencing at around age of one year, must progress at the rate of approximately ten new words every day (Bloom, 2000), or about one per every waking hour (Carey, 1978). Werner and Kaplan (1950) describe the acquisition of the meanings of words as occurring in two ways. One way a child learns a word is by explicit reference either verbal or objective (p. 3), in which a word is verbally defined or an object is directly named for the child. The second way a child learns a word is through implicit or contextual reference (p.3), in which a word is inferred from the context of a conversation. Up until around two years of age, a child may learn a great many words through explicit reference, as adults will often repeat common phrases and names of objects and provide definitions for unknown words in an effort to teach a child new vocabulary (Carey, 1978; Werner Kaplan, 1950). These two methods for accessing developmental change in childrens word knowledge have both been found to change with increasing age and understanding of words, and appear to provide access to slow mapping in children. In general, knowledge about familiar words is slowly acquired. Children both increase their understanding of the semantic relations among words, and learn about the details of the objects labeled by the words. Children are unable to fast map categorical semantic relations even when these relations were explicitly stated. Conclusively, the process of elaboration through which childrens meanings of words grow to include categorical semantic relations between words requires slow mapping. The ability children possess to infer initial meanings for novel words given a limited number of exposures to the words fast mapping. Fast mapping provides a seemingly quick and efficient way for children to acquire initial meanings of novel words, but the meanings children gain through fast mapping are often incomplete, especially requiring a longer more gradual elaboration and reorganization process called slow mapping in order to become complete definitions. Slow mapping allows the connections both between and within new and existing knowledge to be created, eliminated, and reworked, as increasingly complete and accurate definitions evolve. Slow mapping, a much slower and more elusive process than fast mapping, has not been experimentally captured, and much speculation continues to surround its true nature. Attempts to access slow mapping by researchers have provided some insight into the nature of that process. However, research studies have not accessed childrens word understanding beyond an initial, superficial level. References Behrend, D. A. , Scofield, J. , Kleinknecht, E. E. (2001). Beyond fast mapping: Young childrens extensions of novel words and novel facts. Developmental Psychology, 37, 698-705. Blewitt, P. , Toppino, T. C. (1991). The development of taxonomic structure in lexical memory. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 51, 296-319. Bloom, P. (2000). How children learn the meanings of words. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Carey, S. Bartlett, E. (1978). Acquiring a single new word. Papers and Reports on Child Language Development, 15, 17-29. Carey, S. (1978). The child as word learner. In M. Halle, J. Bresnan, G. A. Miller (Eds. ), Linguistic theory and psychological reality (pp. 264-297). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. de Ruiter, J. , Noordzij, M. , Newman-Norlund, S., Newman-Norlund, R. , Hagoort, P. , Levinson, S. , et al. (2010). Exploring the cognitive infrastructure of communication. Interaction Studies, 11(1), 51-77. doi:10. 1075/is. 11. 1. 05rui. Deak, G. O. , Wagner, J. H. (2003). Slow mapping in childrens learning of semantic relations. Proceedings of the Annual Conference of the Cognitive Science Society, 25, 318-323. Hansen, M. , Markman, E. (2009). Childrens use of mutual exclusivity to learn labels for parts of objects. Developmental Psychology, 45(2), 592-596. doi:10. 1037/a0014838. Hughes, D. , Woodcock, J., Funnell, E. (2005). Conceptions of objects across categories: Childhood patterns resemble those of adults. British Journal of Psychology, 96, 1-19. Jary, M. (2010). Assertion and false-belief attribution. Pragmatics Cognition, 18(1), 17-39. doi:10. 1075/pc. 18. 1. 02jar. Johnson, C. J. , Anglin, J. M. (1995). Qualitative developments in the content and form of childrens definitions. Journal of Speech and Hearing Research, 38, 612-629. Johnson, V. , de Villiers, J. (2009). Syntactic Frames in Fast Mapping Verbs: Effect of Age, Dialect, and Clinical Status. Journal of Speech, Language Hearing Research, 52(3), 610-622. Retrieved from Academic Search Complete database. Litowitz, B. (1977). Learning to make definitions. The Journal of Child Language, 4, 289-304. McGregor, K. K. , Friedman, R. M. , Reilly, R. M. , Newman, R. M. (2002). Semantic representation and naming in young children. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, 45, 332-346. Nelson, K. (1977). The syntagmatic-paradigmatic shift revisited. A review of research and theory. Psychological Bulletin, 84, 93-116. Nicoladis, E. , Rose, A. , Foursha-Stevenson, C. (2010). Thinking for speaking and cross-linguistic transfer in preschool bilingual children. International Journal of Bilingual Education Bilingualism, 13(3), 345-370. doi:10. 1080/13670050903243043. Patson, N. , Warren, T. (2010). Evidence for Distributivity Effects in Comprehension. Journal of Experimental Psychology / Learning, Memory Cognition, 36(3), 782-789. doi:10. 1037/a0018783. Penno, J. F. , Wilkinson, I. A. G. , Moore, D. W. (2002). Vocabulary acquisition from teacher explanation and repeated listening to stories: Do they overcome the matthew effect? Journal of Educational Psychology, 94, 23-33. Petrey, S. (1977). Word associations and the development of lexical memory. Cognition, 5, 57-71. Skwarchuk, S. , Anglin, J. M. (1997). Expression of superordinates in childrens word definitions. Journal of Educational Psychology, 89, 298-308. Watson, R. (1985). Towards a theory of definition. Journal of Child Language, 12, 181-197. Werner, H. , Kaplan, E. (1950). The acquisition of word meanings: A developmental study. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 15(1, Serial No. 51).

Socially Constructed Reality and Meaning in Notes from Underground Essa

Socially Constructed Reality and Meaning in Notes from Underground Just as the hands in M.C. Escher’s â€Å"Drawing Hands† both create and are created by each other, the identity of man and society are mutually interdependent. According to the model described in The Sacred Canopy, Peter Berger believes that man externalizes or creates a social reality that is in turn objectified, or accepted by him as real. This sociological model creates a useful framework for understanding the narrator’s rejection of ultimate reality or truth in Fyodor Dostoevsky’s Notes from Underground. The reality in which the narrator tries to live in part II, and the reality that he rejects in part I, are both created and, as such, are ultimately meaningless. The underground man’s refusal to objectify social reality causes a feeling of meaninglessness and raises a fundamental question of purpose that confronts people of all dispositions. Berger’s theory is based on a dialectical relationship between man and society. To explain his theory he defines three terms. â€Å"Externalization is the ongoing outpouring of human being into the world. Objectivation, the attainment by the products of this activity of a reality that confronts its original producers as a facticity external to and other than themselves. Internalization is the reappropriation by men of this same reality, transforming into structures of the subjective consciousness,† (Berger 4). He believes that society is a wholly human invention created by man’s tendency to externalize. This created entity is then objectified by man, giving society and its features the appearance of true reality. His newly created reality then acts upon and shapes man through internalization. Man, his identity... ...fulfills his societal roles. Chernyshevsky’s utilitarian is happy when individual needs are met. The man of consciousness can be happy, even if his happiness comes from the rejection of happiness altogether. There is no superior happiness; there is no superior type of fulfillment. The individual achieves these ends by acting individually. No hand can avoid drawing, and man finds completeness when he fulfills the purpose that he has drawn for himself. Works Cited Berger, Peter L. The Sacred Canopy: Elements of a Sociological Theory of Religion. New York: Anchor Books, 1990. Escher, M.C. â€Å"Drawing Hands.† Cover of Norton edition of Notes from Underground. Katz, Michael R., ed. Notes from Underground. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2001. Chernyshevsky, Nikolai. â€Å"What Is to Be Done?† Katz 104-123. Dostoevsky, Fyodor. â€Å"Notes from Underground.† Katz 3-91

The Perils of Obedience by Stanley Milgram

In â€Å"The Perils of Obedience† by Stanley Milgram, Milgram explains that obedience is a natural occurring behavior, which acts on instinct ignoring a persons ethics, sympathy, and moral conduct (Milgram 343). In this experiment two people come into the laboratory where they are told they will be taking part in a study of memory and learning. One subject is the â€Å"teacher† and the other is the â€Å"learner†. The teacher is ask to read a list of simple word pairs. If the learner does not remember the word pair the teacher was instructed to send out electric shocks of increasing intensity as punishment to the learner. Whereas, â€Å"The Stanford Prison Experiment† by Philip Zimbardo is an essay which explains why society has a need to â€Å"learn† to become compliant and authoritarian (Zimbardo 363). Zimbardo created a mock prison setting consisting of ten prisoners and eleven guards. They were instructed to take over the role of guards and prisoners. Zimbardo wanted to test the effect that prison has on guards and prisoners. Milgram and Zimbardo were both interested in how people obey under authoritative circumstances, using â€Å"fake† settings to test obedience; however the writers differ in the seriousness of the fight for individuality and the use of reality. Under any given circumstance people tend to obey authority differently. Milgram tested this theory out by putting his volunteers into a laboratory setting and having them pressing a button shocking the other person for a wrong answer. The majority of Milgram’s volunteers went through the experiment, not wanting to disobey the authority figure. Milgram stated, † The essence of obedience is that a person comes to view himself as the instrument for carrying out another person’s wishes, and he therefore no longer regards himself as responsible for his actions (Milgram 354). † With Zimbardo’s volunteers they sought out to dispense order and receive orders. Since Zimbardo’s volunteers knew that they would be able to leave the prison and that it was not real, the experiment had no true effect. Real prisoners know that they are in for a long time and not just 14 days. However, in just six days and six nights their experiment was ended. The experiment got away from dealing with the intellectual exercise and started dealing with the psychological mishaps. â€Å"If normal, young, healthy, educated men could so radically transformed under†¦ a â€Å"prison environment†Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ in so short of a time,†¦ then one can shudder to imagine what society is doing both to the actual guards and prisoners†¦ (Zimbardo 374). † Milgram’s experiment was in a fake setting because the subjects were not likely to act in that behavior since the setting was not a reality situation. Being in a laboratory trying to test out obedience is not normal. Humans tend to act differently out in the real world. â€Å"The studies of obedience cannot meaningfully be carried out in a laboratory setting, since obedience occurred in a context where it is appropriate. (Milgram 362) Take for instance the Adolf Hitler era. Testing done other than by natural observation is merely a reflection of what is expected to happen. Zimbardo’s prison setting was not ideal to a real prison nor real criminals. â€Å"†¦ t is impossible to separate what each individual brings into the prison from what the prison brings out in each person. Zimbardo 365) Volunteers knew that would be set free after a given date. The volunteers in Milgram’s experiment were fighting their subconscious minds. The person had complete power over the other individual, whom he could punish whenever he saw fit. The subject had to decide if what they where doing was right (causing pain to another). They were not fighting for their own individuality because they still had that. Zimbardo’s prisoners were fighting for their individuality. Subjects were taken from the streets and thrown into a prison where all their fights as citizens were taken away.

My Dad: My Mentor and Guide

Commemorative Speech Good morning every one I want to start by asking you this What is your definition of a great man? Is it a man that goes above and beyond to provide for his family and loved ones? Or is it a man that teaches u invaluable lessons in life every chance that he gets, Or is it a man that faces difficulties and always manage to light a smile on your face and prove to you that there’s in fact a silver lining in behind dark clouds? I think all these traits make up a great man and I have the honor to call one of them my father, Venancio Ang.He was born in the Southern Part of the Philippines, Davao City. His mom was that of a Spanish Descendant and His dad was Chinese, which makes him a Chinoy. â€Å"Which means Chinese Filipino† My dad has taught me great lessons in life, and I am here because I want to share with you about all the lessons in life he has taught me and the most valuable which I kept with me and the type of inspiration he gave my family. I wan t to start of with the lessons in life, like I said there were many of them but the one that really stuck to me was hard work, and family.Hard work, without hard work you don’t reach your goals, and that/s something my dad would always tell me. My dad was all about using this and using these. And he would do it on a constant basis, all day every day 24/7. And he taught my brother and I what it is to really work hard for what you want in life and how good you feel after you see the fruits of your labor. And finally, Family. I’m grateful to be brought up in such a kind and loving family. Growing up my dad used to always tell me that a family is where home is.Which is very true, because when I go through life’s challenges the first thing I think of is them. He has taught me how important foundation is in order to keep me grounded. My dad always used to say, â€Å"Twirly, remember at the end of the day it all comes down to family. † This world isn’t ea sy. And our lives are defined by how we respond in adversity. The greatest among us overcome trials and seek to learn from them. Without family I wouldn’t be the person I am today.My dad, a God fearing man who has taught me so many more lessons in life that I wish I could share with you if there was given time. He is my backbone and friend. He has taught me the value of working hard and pursuing lasting significance over worldly success. I highly respect my father for who he is and what he stands for in life. He truly is a God given gift to my family and everybody else who’s lives he’s touched. I am grateful to be brought up by a father like him and he has truly set the kind of example a father should have.

Electrochemical Process of Anodizing Aluminum †Science Essay

Electrochemical Process of Anodizing Aluminum – Science Essay Free Online Research Papers Electrochemical Process of Anodizing Aluminum Science Essay In the 1920’s, aluminum quickly became one of the most important metals in the world due to its lightweight, strength, fabrication flexibility and durability. Shortly after, anodizing was developed to provide the alloy with an extremely hard, durable, corrosion resistant finish that was long lasting. After reading this paper, you will easily understand the anodizing process and why it makes for such a good finish on nearly all alloy metals. Anodizing also has many benefits with very few by-products and is very cost effective. You may ask yourself, what is anodizing and how is it accomplished? To simplify the process, anodizing is nothing more than an electrochemical process by which aluminum is converted into and aluminum oxide on the surface of a part. The process is fairly simple involving of an anodizing solution usually made of sulfuric acid. A cathode is placed to the negative terminal of a voltage source and placed in the solution, while an aluminum piece is connected to the positive voltage source and placed in the acidic solution. When the circuit is turned on, the oxygen in the acidic solution will be removed from the water molecules and combine with the aluminum on the part to form an aluminum oxide coating. The resultant finish increases corrosion resistance; increases wear resistance, can be colored through dying, and is also an excellent base for primer or other secondary coatings. Over the last few decades, many different types of anodizing processes have been developed, but there are three main variations used in aluminum anodizing. Chromic anodizing uses a chromic acid electrolyte to yield the thinnest coating out of the three main types of anodizing ranging from .05 to .1 millimeters thick. Chromic anodizing also reduces the fatigue strength of the aluminum less than the other three methods. Sulfuric anodizing produces a coating under 1 millimeter thick that is also more durable than a chromic finish. Sulfuric finishes produce excellent results from dyeing yielding deep and rich colors. The third common process is known as hard coat anodizing. An alloy with a hard coat finish will be the most resistant to wear and usually used in high wear situations. Anodizing is one of the few finishes that satisfy nearly all of the factors that should be considered when considering an aluminum finish. On of the most important factors is durability. Anodized products have an extremely long life span and require very little maintenance. Scars and wear marks from fabrication and handling are almost non-existent and a simple cleaning with mild soap and water usually returns the finish to its original condition. Another reason anodizing has become so popular is because of the many different ways and vibrant colors available to coat an alloy with. Coloring is typically obtained through two different methods. The first method is known as electrolytic coloring and is a two step method. After the alloy is anodized, the metal is immersed in a bath containing inorganic metal salt. Current is applied which deposits the metal salt in the base of the pores. The resultant color is dependant on the material used and the processing conditions. Commonly used metals include tin, cobalt, nickel, and copper. This process is the most versatile and the most technically advanced coloring quality. The second method, known as integral coloring, combines anodizing and coloring to simultaneously form and color the oxide cell. Integral coloring is the most expensive process since it requires significantly more electrical power to produce the same finish. Color coatings are very stable to ultraviolet rays and do not chip or peel. Currently, there are many color options and styles available with anodizing. However, anodizing offers the alloy to retain its metallic appearance unlike painting or powder coating. At first glance, anodizing may appear to be a very dangerous process. However, anodizing is very environmental friendly and relatively safe for human contact. Anodizing uses simple water-based chemicals that can be easily treated and release no harmful by-products. The liquid by-products are recycled and returned to the anodizing process. Solid by-products are separated and extracted for use in the manufacturing of aluminum, baking powder, cosmetics, newsprint, fertilizer, and water purification systems. The main by-product caused from the anodizing process composed primarily of aluminum hydroxide, some aluminum sulfate, and water. However, this by-product is harmless because it contains no significant amounts of heavy metals. Anodizing plants must be well ventilated and workers are carefully trained for acidic material use. Minimal protective equipment is needed and no expensive, heavy, safety equipment is required. Through many decades of work, anodizing has evolved into one of the best finishes available for alloy metals. It may be the durability of the finish, the unmatched adhesion, the vibrant colors, the extreme resistance to corrosion and wear, or the environmentally safe process used to obtain the finish. All of these qualities make anodizing the premier finish and sets the bar to which all other alloy finishes should be compared to. 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